Showing posts with label Peyote. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Peyote. Show all posts
Monday, October 4, 2010

Taboo~Drugs : A National Geographic Documentary


'Taboo - Drugs' is a National Geographic Channel presentation, part of the Taboo documentary series highlighting various other taboos of our society. This episode features the San Pedro cactus, Peyote, Coca leaves and Ganja, which have all been part of shamanism in cultures around the world.

This National Geographic documentary compares these cultures and modern day rave culture in which doctors and professionals attest to the validity of this spiritual experience.

You can watch the documentary in parts (1-5) below ...



National Geographic Channel's "Taboo:Drugs" ~ The Full Documentary





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Thursday, March 18, 2010

Peyote : The Last Of The Medicine Men Movie


An investigation into the dramatic and mysterious world of the Huichol of Mexico – where perhaps the most traditional community of North America gave Benedict Allen the rare privilege of ritually taking their peyote, the hallucinogenic cacti, to bring him at last “face-to-face” with the gods.

One of Britain's leading adventurers, Benedict Allen, is particularly known for his television programmes - occasionally made with the help of a film crew but more typically without. He paved the way for the current generation of TV adventurers.

Uniquely in television, his philosophy is to genuinely immerse himself in extreme or alien environments, going alone and learning from indigenous people. As The Sunday Times put it: “Filming whatever actually happens, without all the hidden paraphernalia of a film crew, and whether in danger or lonely or undergoing various exotic rituals, he has effectively taken the viewers’ experience of adventure as far as it can go.”

However, most of his more challenging journeys – depicted in his first five books – in fact took place before he began filming his exploits. “I belonged to the last generation that might pass through a wilderness for months on end and not encounter a single person of my own culture. It was a privileged time: never in all those years can I remember coming across a single other foreigner, whilst out on a trek.” Such isolation seems inconceivable today.




Reference : Benedict Allen

Download Movie (Torrent)

You could also check out the post 'Psychedelic Torrent on Books, Movies & Documentaries on Drug Awareness' !

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Friday, November 20, 2009

Plants Of The Gods : Sacred Healing Powers Of Peyote


Outlining a brief history of Peyote here is an excerpt from "Plants of the Gods - Their Sacred, Healing and Hallucinogenic Powers" by Richard Evans Schultes and Albert Hofmann, Healing Arts Press (Vermont) 1992 !

Ever since the arrival of the first Europeans in the New World, Peyote has provoked controversy, suppression, and persecution. Condemned by the Spanish conquerors for its "satanic trickery", and attacked more recently by local governments and religious groups, the plant has nevertheless continued to play a major sacramental role among the Indians of Mexico, while its use has spread to the North American tribes in the last hundred years.

The persistence and growth of the Peyote cult constitute a fascinating chapter in the history of the New World - and a challenge to the anthropologists and psychologists, botanists and pharmacologists who continue to study the plant and its constituents in connection with human affairs.

We might logically call this woolly Mexican cactus the prototype of the New World hallucinogens. It was one of the first to be discovered by Europeans and was unquestionably the most spectacular vision-inducing plant encountered by the Spanish conquerors. They found Peyote firmly established in native religions, and their efforts to stamp out this practice drove it into hiding in the hills, where its sacramental use has persisted to the present time.

How old is the Peyote cult? An early Spanish chronicler, Fray Bernardino de Sahagún, estimated on the basis of several historical events recorded in Indian chronology that Peyote was known to the Chichimeca and Toltec at least 1890 years before the arrival of the Europeans. This calculation would give the "divine plant" of Mexico an economic history extending over a period of some two millennia. Then Carl Lumholtz, the Danish ethnologist who did pioneer work among the Indians of Chihuahua, suggested that the Peyote cult is far older. He showed that a symbol employed in the Tarahumara Indian Peyote ceremony appeared in ancient ritualistic carvings preserved in Mesoamerican lava rocks. More recently, archaeological discoveries in dry caves and rock shelters in Texas have yielded specimens of Peyote. These specimens, found in a context suggesting ceremonial use, indicate that its use is more than three thousand years old.

The earliest European records concerning this sacred cactus are those of Sahagún, who lived from 1499 to 1590 and who dedicated most of his adult life to the Indians of Mexico. His precious, first-hand observations were not published until the nineteenth century. Consequently, credit for the earliest published account must go to Juan Cardenas, whose observations on the marvelous secrets of the Indies were published as early as 1591.

Sahagún's writings are among the most important of all the early chroniclers. He described Peyote use among the Chichimeca, of the primitive desert plateau of the north, recording for posterity: "There is another herb like tunas [Opuntia spp.] of the earth. It is called Peiotl. It is white. It is found in the north country. Those who eat or drink it see visions either frightful or laughable. This intoxication lasts two or three days and then ceases. It is a common food of the Chichimeca, for it sustains them and gives them courage to fight and not feel fear nor hunger nor thirst. And they say that it protects them from all danger."

It is not known whether or not the Chichimeca were the first Indians to discover the psychoactive properties of Peyote. Some students believe that the Tarahumara Indians, living where Peyote abounded, were the first to discover its use and that it spread from them to the Cora, the Huichol, and other tribes. Since the plant grows in many scattered localities in Mexico, it seems probable that its intoxicating properties were independently discovered by a number of tribes.

Several seventeenth-century Spanish Jesuits testified that the Mexican Indians used Peyote medicinally and ceremonially for many ills and that when intoxicated with the cactus they saw "horrible visions". Padre Andréa Pérez de Ribas, a seventeenth-century Jesuit who spent sixteen years in Sinaloa, reported that Peyote was usually drunk but that its use, even medicinally, was forbidden and punished, since it was connected with "heathen rituals and superstitions" to contact evil spirits through "diabolic fantasies".

The first full description of the living cactus was offered by Dr Francisco Hernández, who as personal physician of King Philip II of Spain was sent to study Aztec medicine. In his ethnobotanical study of New Spain, Dr Hernández described "peyotl", as the plant was called in the Nahuatl language of the Aztecs: "The root is of nearly medium size, sending forth no branches or leaves above the ground, but with a certain woolliness adhering to it on account of which it could not aptly be figured by me. Both men and women are said to be harmed by it. It appears to be of a sweetish taste and moderately hot. Ground up and applied to painful joints, it is said to give relief. Wonderful properties are attributed to this root, if any faith can be given to what is commonly said among them on this point. It causes those devouring it to be able to foresee and to predict things…."

In the latter part of the seventeenth century, a Spanish missionary in Nayarit recorded the earliest account of a Peyote ritual. Of the Cora tribe, he reported: "Close to the musician was seated the leader of the singing, whose business it was to mark time. Each had his assistants to take his place when he should become fatigued. Nearby was place a tray filled with Peyote, which is a diabolical root that is ground up and drunk by them so that they may not become weakened by the exhausting effects of so long a function, which they begin by forming as large a circle of men and women as could occupy the space that had been swept off for this purpose. One after the other, they went dancing in a ring or marking time with their feet, keeping in the middle the musician and choir-master whom they invited, and singing in the same unmusical tune that he set them. They would dance all night, from five o'clock in the evening to seven o'clock in the morning, without stopping nor leaving the circle. When the dance was ended, all stood who could hold themselves on their feet; for the majority, from the Peyote and wine which they drank, were unable to utilize their legs."

The ceremony among the Cora, Huichol, and Tarahumara Indians has probably challenged little in content over the centuries; it still consists, in great part, of dancing.

The modern Huichol Peyote ritual is the closest to the pre-Colonial Mexican ceremonies. Sahagún's description of the Teochichimeca ritual could very well be a description of the contemporary Huichol ceremony, for these Indians still assemble together in the desert 300 miles northeast of their homeland in the Sierra Madre mountains of western Mexico, still sing all night, all day, still weep exceedingly, and still so esteem Peyote above any other psychotropic plant that the sacred mushrooms, Morning Glories, "Datura", and other indigenous hallucinogens are consigned to the realm of sorcerers.



Most of the early records in Mexico were left by missionaries who opposed the use of Peyote in religious practice. To them Peyote had no place in Christianity because of its pagan associations. Since the Spanish ecclesiastes were intolerant of any cult but their own, fierce persecution resulted. But the Indians were reluctant to give up their Peyote cults established on centuries of tradition.

The suppression of Peyote, however, went to great lengths. For example, a priest near San Antonio, Texas, published a manual in 1760, containing questions to be asked of converts. Included were the following: "Have you eaten the flesh of man? Have you eaten Peyote?" Another priest, Padre Nidolas de Leon, similarly examined potential converts: "Art thou a soothsayer? Dost thou foretell events by reading omens, interpreting dreams or by tracing circles and figures on water? Dost thou garnish with flower garlands the places where idols are kept? Dost thou suck to blood of others? Dost thou wander about at night, calling upon demons to help thee? Hast thou drunk Peyote or given it to others to drink, in order to discover secrets or to discover where stolen or lost articles were?"

During the last decade of the nineteenth century, the explorer Carl Lumholtz observed the use of Peyote among the Indians of the Sierra Madre Occidental of Mexico, primarily the Huichol and Tarahumara, and he reported on the Peyote ceremony and on various kinds of cacti employed with "Lophophora williamsii" or in its stead.

However, no anthropologist ever participated in or observed a Peyote hunt until the 1960s, when anthropologists and a Mexican writer were permitted by Huichols to accompany several pilgrimages. Once a year, the Huichols make a sacred trip to gather Hikuri. The trek is led by an experienced "mara'akame" or shaman, who is in contact with Tatewari (Our grandfather-fire). Tatewari is the oldest Huichol god, also known as Hikuri, the Peyote-god. He is personified with Peyote plants on his hands and feet, and he interprets all the deities to the modern shamans, often through visions, sometimes indirectly through Kauyumari (the Sacred Deer Person and culture hero). Tatewari led the first Peyote pilgrimage far from the present area inhabited by the nine thousand Huichols into Wirikuta, an ancestral region where Peyote abounds. Guided by the shaman, the participants, usually ten to fifteen in number, take on the identity of deified ancestors, as the follow Tatewari "to find their life".

The Peyote hunt is literally a hunt. Pilgrims carry tobacco gourds, a necessity for the journey's ritual. Water gourds are often taken to transport water back from Wirikuta. Often the only food taken for the stay in Wirikuta is tortillas. The pilgrims, however, eat Peyote while in Wirikuta. They must travel great distances. Today, much of the trek is done by car, but formerly the Indians walked some two hundred miles.

The preparation for gathering Peyote involves ritual confession and purification. Public recitation of all sexual encounters must be made, but no show of shame, resentment, or jealousy, nor any expression of hostility, occurs. For each offense, the shaman makes a knot in a string which, at the end of the ritual, is burned. Following the confession, the group, preparing to set out for Wirikuta - an area located in San Luís Potosí - must be cleansed before journeying to paradise.

Upon arriving within sight of the sacred mountains of Wirikuta, the pilgrims are ritually washed and pray for rain and fertility. Amid the praying and chanting of the shaman, the dangerous crossing into the Otherworld begins. This passage has two stages: first, the Gateway of the Clashing Clouds, and second, the opening of the Clouds. These do not represent actual localities but exist only in the "geography of the mind"; to the participants the passing from one to the other is an event filled with emotion.

Upon arrival at the place where the Peyote is to be hunted, the shaman begins ceremonial practices, telling stories from the ancient Peyote tradition and invoking protection for the events to come. Those on their first pilgrimage are blindfolded, and the participants are led by the shaman to the "cosmic threshold" which only he can see. All stop, light candles, and murmur prayers while the shaman, imbued with supernatural forces, chants.

Finally, Peyote is found. The shaman has seen the deer tracks. He draws his arrow and shoots the cactus. The pilgrims make offerings to this first Hikuri. More Peyote is sought, basketfuls of the plant eventually being collected. On the following day, more Peyote is collected, some of which is to be shared with those who remain at home. The rest is to be sold to the Cora and Tarahumara Indians, who use Peyote but do not have a quest.

The ceremony of distributing Tobacco is then carried out. Arrows are placed pointing to the four points of the compass; at midnight a fire is built. According to the Huichol, Tobacco belongs to fire. The shaman prays, placing the Tobacco before the fire, touching it with feathers, then distributing it to each pilgrim who puts it into his gourd, symbolising the birth of Tobacco.

The Huichol Peyote hunt is seen as a return to Wirikuta or Paradise, the archetypal beginning and end of a mythical past. A modern Huichol "mara'kame" expressed it as follows: "One day all will be as you have seen it there, in Wirikuta. The First People will come back. The fields will be pure and crystalline, all this is not clear to me, but in five more years I will know it, through more revelations. The world will end, and the unity will be here again. But only for pure Huichol."

Among the Tarahumara, the Peyote cult is less important. Many buy their supplies of the cactus, usually from Huichol. Although the two tribes live several hundred miles apart and are not closely related, they share the same name for Peyote - Hikuri - and the two cults have many points of resemblance.

The Tarahumara Peyote dance may be held at any time during the year for health, tribal prosperity, or for simple worship. It is sometimes incorporated into other established festivals. The principal part of the ceremony consists of dances and prayers followed by a day of feasting. Oak and pine logs are dragged in for a fire and oriented in an east-west direction. The Tarahumara name for the dance means "moving about the fire", and except for Peyote itself, the fire is the most important element.

The leader has several women assistants who prepare the Hikuri plants for use, grinding the fresh cacti on a metate, being careful not to lose one drop of the resulting liquid. An assistant catches all liquid in a gourd, even the water used to wash the metate. The leader sits west of the fire, and a cross may be erected opposite him. In front of the leader, a small hole is dug into which he may spit. A Peyote may be set before him on its side or inserted into a root-shaped hole bored in the ground. He inverts half a gourd over the Peyote, turning it to scratch a circle in the earth around the cactus. Removing the gourd temporarily, he draws a cross in the dust to represent the world, thereupon replacing the gourd. This apparatus serves as a resonator for the rasping stick: Peyote is set under the resonator, since it enjoys the sound.

Incense from burning copal is then offered to the cross. After facing east, kneeling, and crossing themselves, the leader's assistants are given deer-hoof rattles or bells to shake during the dance.

The ground-up Peyote is kept in a pot or crock near the cross and is served in a gourd by an assistant: he makes three rounds of the fire if carrying it to an ordinary participant. All the songs praise Peyote for its protection of the tribe and for its "beautiful intoxication".

As with the Huichol, healing ceremonies are often carried out. The Tarahumara leader cures at daybreak. He first terminates dancing by giving three raps. He rises, accompanied by a young assistant, and circling the patio, he touches every forehead with water. He touches the patient thrice, and placing his stick to the patient's head, he rasps three times. The dust produced by the rasping, even though infinitesimal, is a powerful health- and life-giver and is saved for medicinal use.

The final ritual sends Peyote home. The leader reaches toward the rising sun and rasps thrice. "In the early morning, Hikuli had come from San Ignacio and from Satapolio riding on beautiful green doves, to feast with the Tarahumara at the end of the dance when the people sacrifice food and eat and drink. Having bestowed his blessings, Hikuli forms himself into a ball and flies to his shelter at the time."

Peyote is employed as a religious sacrament among more than forty American Indian tribes in many parts of the United States and western Canada. Because of its wide use, Peyote early attracted the attention of scientists and legislators and engendered heated and, unfortunately, often irresponsible opposition to its free use in American Indian ceremonies.

It was the Kiowa and Comanche Indians, apparently, who in visits to a native group in northern Mexico, first learned of this sacred American plant. Indians in the United States had been restricted to reservations by the last half of the nineteenth century, and much of their cultural heritage was disintegrating and disappearing. Faced with this disastrous inevitability, a number of Indian leaders, especially from tribes re-located in Oklahoma, began actively to spread a new kind of Peyote cult adapted to the needs of the more advanced Indian groups of the United States.

The Kiowa and Comanche were apparently the most active proponents of the new religion. Today it is the Kiowa-Comanche type of Peyote ceremony that, with slight modifications, prevails north of the Mexican border. This ceremony, to judge from the rapid spread of the new Peyote religion, must have appealed strongly to the Plains tribes and later to other groups.

Success in spreading the new Peyote cult resulted in strong opposition to its practice from missionary and local governmental groups. The ferocity of this opposition often led local governments to enact repressive legislation, in spite of overwhelming scientific opinion that Indians should be permitted to use Peyote in religious practices. In an attempt to protect their rights to free religious activity, American Indians organised the Peyote cult into a legally recognised religious group, the Native American Church. This religious movement, unknown in the United States before 1885, numbered 13,300 members in 1922. Membership of the Native American Church at the present time is claimed to be a quarter of a million Indians.

Indians of the United States, living far from the natural area of Peyote, must use the dried top of the cactus, the so-called mescal button, legally acquired either by collection or purchase and distribution through the United States postal services. Some American Indians still send pilgrims to gather the cactus in the fields, but most tribal groups in the United States must procure their supplies by purchase and mail.

A member may hold a meeting in gratitude for the recovery of health, the safe return from a voyage, or the success of a Peyote pilgrimage: it may be held to celebrate the birth of a baby, to name a child, on the first four birthdays of a child, for doctoring, or even for general thanksgiving. The Kickapoo held a Peyote service for the dead, and the body of the deceased is brought into the ceremonial teepee. The Kiowa may have five services at Easter, four at Christmas and Thanksgiving, six at New Year. Especially among the Kiowa, meetings are held only on Saturday night. Anyone who is a member of the Peyote cult may be a leader or "roadman". There are certain taboos which the roadman, and sometimes all participants, must observe. The older men refrain from eating salt the day before and after a meeting, and they may not bathe for several days following a Peyote service. There seem to be no sexual taboos, as in the Mexican tribes, and the ceremony is free of licentiousness. Women are admitted to meetings to eat Peyote and to pray, but they do not usually participate in the singing and drumming. After the age of ten, children may attend meetings but do not take part until they are adults.

Peyote ceremonies differ from tribe to tribe. The typical Plains Indian service takes place usually in a teepee erected over a carefully made altar of earth or clay; the teepee is taken down as soon as the all-night ceremony is over. Some tribes hold the ceremony in a wooden round-house with a permanent altar of cement inside, and the Osage and Quapaw Indians often have electrically lighted round-houses.

The Father Peyote (a large "mescal button" or dried top of the Peyote plant) is placed on a cross or rosette of sage leaves at the center of the altar. This crescent-shaped altar, symbol of the spirit of Peyote, is never taken from the altar during the ceremony. As soon as the Father Peyote has been put in place, all talking stops, and all eyes are directed toward the altar.

Tobacco and corn shuck or blackjack oak leaves are passed around the circle of worshippers, each making a cigarette for use during the leader's opening prayer. The next procedure involves purification of the bag of mescal buttons in cedar incense. Following this blessing, the roadman takes four mescal buttons from the bag which is then passed around in a clockwise direction, each worshipper taking four. More Peyote may be called for at any time during the ceremony, the amount consumed being left to personal discretion. Some peyotists eat up to thirty-six buttons a night, and some boast of having ingested upwards of fifty. An average amount is probably twelve.

Singing starts with the roadman, the initial song always being the same, sung or chanted in a high nasal tone. Translated, the song means: "May the gods bless me, help me, and give me power and understanding."

Sometimes, the roadman may be asked to treat a patient. This procedure varies in form. The curing ritual is almost always simple, consisting of praying and frequent use of the sign of the cross.



Peyote eaten in ceremony has assumed the role of a sacrament in part because of its biological activity: the sense of well-being that it induces and the psychological effects (the chief of which is the kaleidoscopic play of richly colored visions) often experienced by those who indulge in its use. Peyote is considered sacred by native Americans, a divine "messenger" enabling the individual to communicate with God without the medium of a priest. It is an earthly representative of God to many peyotists. "God told the Delawares to do good even before He sent Christ to the whites who killed him…" an Indian explained to an anthropologist. "God made Peyote. It is His power. It is the power of Jesus. Jesus came afterwards on this earth, after Peyote…. God (through Peyote) told the Delawares the same things that Jesus told the whites."

Correlated with its use as a religious sacrament is its presumed value as a medicine. Some Indians claim that, if Peyote is used correctly, all other medicines are superfluous. Its supposed curative properties are responsible probably more than any other attribute for the rapid diffusion of the Peyote cult in the United States.

The Peyote religion is a medico-religious cult. In considering native American medicines, one must always bear in mind the difference between the aboriginal concept of a medicinal agent and that of our modern Western medicine. Primitive societies, in general, cannot conceive of natural death or illness but believe that they are due to supernatural interference. There are two types of "medicines": those with purely physical effects (i.e., to relieve toothache or digestive upsets); and the medicines, "par excellence", that put the medicine man into communication, through a variety of hallucinations, with the malevolent spirits that cause illness and death.

The factors responsible for the rapid growth and tenacity of the Peyote religion in the United States are many and interrelated. Among the most obvious, however, and those most often cited, are: the ease of legally obtaining supplies of the hallucinogen; lack of federal restraint; cessation of intertribal warfare; reservation life with consequent intermarriage and peaceful exchange of social and religious ideas; ease of transportation and postal communication; and the general attitude of resignation toward encroaching Western culture.


Source : www.peyote.org


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Wednesday, July 8, 2009

Psychedelics & Altered States of Consciousness



The use of plant based psychedelics to attain altered states of consciousness has been known to man for as long as ... it's anyone's guess. Our psychedelic history which remains unknown to most who have settled for the easy answer, Drugs, ... with little or no awareness of mind altering substances and the fact that they have been known to the ancients as 'Food of the Gods', ingested to awaken the divine presence within ... Plant based psychedelics have in fact been the catalyst in human evolution and continue to nourish the soul's need for wholeness.

There are some of us who have had the courage and curiosity to venture into the unknown and they are the ones that have come back to tell us about their magical experiences in the realms of the metaphysical. Everything changes once we make the unknown, known !

Ancient medicine men or Shamans have always known the power of attaining altered states of consciousness to heal, have visionary experiences, see the future, astral travel and time travel to other worlds and commune with divine entities, nature spirits ... transdimensional non physical beings of light !


Here is the foreword from the book "The Ecstatic Adventure : Reports of Chemical Explorations of the Inner World" by Alan Watts followed the introduction by Ralph Metzner ...

MANY ARE DOUBTLESS hoping that the current surge of interest in consciousness-changing chemicals will prove to be a passing fad. If so, it will only be through the discovery of simpler and more enduring ways of altering man's perception of his own existence. For it is increasingly clear to those who study ecology, sociology, biology, and even physics, that the individual organism is not what it usually feels itself to be: a bag of skin stretched around bones, muscles, and other organs as the temporary vehicle of a distinct and particular self or ego.

The sensation of oneself as a separate center of consciousness and will, confronting an external world in which one is an alien and an intelligent fluke, is quite clearly a hallucination. It bears no resemblance to man, or any other organism, described in the above-named sciences, all of which see beings, events and things as processes which, however clearly distinguishable, are inseparable from the processes which surround them and constitute their environment.

This is simply because one can hardly begin to describe the process, the behavior pattern, of an organism without at the same time including some description of the behavior patterns of its environment. The scientist is therefore bound to recognize that what he is describing is not a solitary organism but a vast and theoretically limitless field of relationships which he calls (rather clumsily) the organism-environment. This is not a merely deterministic situation in which the organism responds like a puppet to environmental influences. It is rather that they are two aspects, or poles, of a single process: they transact mutually, almost like the left and right sides of a moving snake.

If this situation were to become an actual perception or sensation, it would be obvious that the usual identification of oneself as an independent ego is a social institution rather than a physical reality, having therefore the same kind of reality status as a minute or a verbal definition. The individual would perceive his physical existence more clearly and cease to hallucinate his ego as a natural entity. Instead, he would find himself in a state of consciousness closely resembling the common form of mystical experience known as "cosmic consciousness."


Experiences and sensations of this kind are described in the following pages by people under the influence of such consciousness-changing (or psychedelic) chemicals as LSD-25, psilocybin and mescaline. Questions are therefore raised as to whether these chemicals are properly called "hallucinogens," whether their effects should be considered "religious" or "spiritual," or whether they simply inhibit a perceptual grid or screening imposed by cultural and social indoctrination, or brainwashing. In the latter event, their overall effect would be to clarify rather than confuse perception. However, so radical a shift in one's way of seeing things might, through its unfamiliarity, be confusing or even frightening to some people.

From my own experiments with these chemicals, and from others' descriptions, it has struck me that a dominant feature of the psychedelic consciousness is a polar form of thinking and perceiving. The usual gestalt mode of perception, where the figure is noticed and the ground ignored, seems to be modified. one sees instead the figure-ground as a totality. In the same way, it appears that things inside the skin and things outside "go together" as aspects of one process: a push from the inside is a pull from the outside, and vice versa.

Conceptually, it appears obvious that such opposite categories as being and non-being, light and darkness, good and bad, solid and space are related mutually in the same way as front and back. This may come as a shock to the kinesthetic sense, a threat to one's identity, and a disturbance to standards and habits of judgment. The individual unused to this situation may interpret it onesidedly: he may feel utterly helpless, wondering whether he can continue to think logically or even speak correctly, or conversely, he may imagine that he is God almighty, in charge of the whole universe.

Thus I feel it unwise for anyone to ingest these chemicals without first having some clear theoretical understanding of this polar, or transactional, relationship between organism and environment, perceiver and perceived. I might add that, for lack of such ecological understanding, the natural mystical experience may be as confusing as any chemically induced change. One knows of many so-called mystics who make the most fantastic claims to divine power and knowledge, and those who conceive the Godhead as a personal and literally omniscient and omnipotent being are especially prone to such delusions when under psychedelic influences, whether natural or chemical.

On the other hand, modern man could very well benefit from a clearer perception of his physical situation, and continuing experimentation with psychedelic chemicals may produce ways of achieving it without undesirable side effects. At a time when technological power is bringing about vast changes in our natural environment, some of which lead to the fouling of our own nest and reckless waste of resources, it is quite urgent that we learn to perceive ourselves as integral features of nature, and not as frightened strangers in a hostile, indifferent or alien universe. This book is a big step in exploring one approach to this fundamental and vital problem.


Introduction by Ralph Metzner

THE ORIGINS OF man's use of visionary, mind-changing plants and preparations is lost in the obscurities of prerecorded history. Perhaps some Neolithic shaman, sampling new specimens for his herbal pharmacopeia, stumbled across and ingested an innocuous-looking weed; in a short time, he found himself in the company of the tribal ancestors, spirits of water, thunder, rock and earth, trembling with stark awe and terror at the mysterious energies flashing through his eyes and ears, marveling at the intricacies of the relationships between man and animal, man and man, struggling with the subtle entrapments of his own fantastic concepts and visions.

The ubiquity of the shamanistic use of psychedelics has been amply documented by Richard E. Schultes, R. Gordon Wasson, Michael Harner and others. In the Amazonian jungles today, the tribe's shaman still takes his young apprentice out into the forest and lets him drink the brew of the yagé vine, day after day, perhaps for forty days or however long it takes for him to confront and explore the numerous heavens and hells of his own inner being, systematically reviewing the genetic and personal memories, the states of consciousness which puzzle and confuse his fellow tribesmen.

This plant does not cure the infections of the physical body, but for relief of the strange, intractable sufferings of the psyche induced in sensitive souls by the seething cruelty of jungle life, the shaman's visionary brew may provide the beginnings of insight and interchange between the waking ego and the inhabitants of inner, mythic dimensions, totems, animal spirits, gods and devils—a dialogue which modern man has relegated to the "unconscious" realm of dreams and fantasy at the cost of his psychic well-being.

Joseph Campbell has charted the monomyth or archetype of the hero-path in all ages: everywhere it is the same. The hero leaves the tribe to search for the Elixir, the Golden Fleece, the Holy Grail, the Ring—the essence of immortality that will enable him to transcend mortal life. He traverses deserts, mountains, fights monsters or demons, encounters the wise guide, rescues the princess (the anima, the soul) from the imprisonment of the dragon (conscience), finds the immortal seed and returns to pass on the message. With variations this pattern is found everywhere: it is the trip beyond the mind, that collection of fragmentary perception and half-baked concepts we call the normal world, to liberation and re-entry.

In the great Mystery Religions of Egypt, Babylonia and Greece, a psychedelic potion was probably used to confer on the initiate the direct, immediate experience of death and rebirth, the separation of the individual self from physical identity with the planetary body, the merging into the common, all-pervasive nuclear web of energy, followed by the slow and agonizing return to everyday existence in a physical incarnation. This was the esoteric, firsthand confrontation with the Mystery in one's own inner being; the exoteric, secondhand knowledge was made possible through mythic rites, dramatic light-sound presentations, the symbolic re-enactment of stories of Isis and Osiris, Demeter and Persephone.

Even those unprepared or unwilling to undergo the core experience could thus get some inkling of its meaning and import. Perhaps it was in the caves at Eleusis, in cool subterranean chambers to which initiates were brought for the final rite, that Plato conceived and experienced his image of the chained prisoners watching the flickering shadows on the wall of the cave; until one of the slaves of illusion gets out and is blinded by the fierce radiance of the interior sun. Through the Greek Mysteries, men became gods and celebrated their divinity in the ecstatic light-space geometries of the great temples and the jewelled agonies of heroic dramas.

When the nomadic Aryans invaded India five thousand to ten thousand years before Christ, they brought with them from Central Asia the cult of the sacred Soma plant. The legend says that it grows a petal every day until the full moon and then loses one every day until the new moon—imagery suggestive of magic and the "dark moon power" of woman. The learned Brahmins worshipped it and sung its praises in the Rig Veda: "I have drunk of the Soma and now half of me is on earth, the other half in the heavens." Aldous Huxley has suggested that the effects of Soma might have been like a mixture of mescaline, hashish and reserpine—high, smooth and serene. The Soma cult died out, either because the plant became impossible to obtain in India or because (as Gary Snyder suggested) as the tribes passed from food-gathering to agriculture they lost contact with natural herbs and plants. Hashish and ganja became and still are the preferred psychedelics of religious adepts following the chemical yoga in India.

The rhythmic physiological calisthenics of Hatha Yoga counteract the passivity tendencies of this drug. It is taken according to elaborate rituals with postures, mudras and mantras; or in the solitude of the Himalayan cave, tuned in to the ringing energies of rock and ice; or as I saw it, in the ghats of the cities, the holy burning-grounds where Hindu dropouts spend months and years contemplating the destruction of the physical frame of man by fire, worshipping in their hearts the Great Lord Siva, the Destroyer and Transformer of Universe, the Master of Yogis, whose arms and legs annihilate in relentless dancing movement all perishable things, and whose quiet smile and radiant eyes draw you to the center, the source, the common origin, where Destroyer, Creator and Preserver are one with each other and one with Kali, the Mother, the Supreme Female Principle, the Womb of Space, the Eternal Primal Sound, the Ommmmmmmmmm.


Ganja is a mild psychedelic, not normally capable of producing the ecstatic death-and-rebirth experience. The more powerful substances known to earlier civilizations, the Soma of the Vedic Hindus, the sacred mint of the Greek Mysteries, the divine mushroom of the Aztecs, disappeared from public view and, so far as recorded history is concerned, ceased to exist. But the "psychedelic movement" continued underground. Small groups of devotees, adepts and magicians kept the flame alive. In Tibet, protected from outside interference by the rock wall of the Himalayas, energetic Buddhists set up a whole social structure centered on the cultivation of enlightenment and higher consciousness, systematically applying Buddhist principles to the development of a superconscious elite of consciously dying, consciously incarnating lamas.

The old lama locks himself in a cave with his disciple and they practice sending and receiving until the signals come through. The mind has to be completely clear. Decades of systematic meditation are involved, and selective use of long-acting "samadhi medicines." The Tibetan Book of the Dead is the most advanced psychology book ever written: its detailed descriptions of the step-by-step process of dying and being reborn can be verified by any LSD user. The altitude in Tibet and its distance from man-made vibrations may help account for the extraordinarily high development of its lately unfortunate people.

In Europe, the persecutions of the established church drove the gnostic God-seekers, Hermetists, Freemasons, Rosicrucians, Kabalists and other explorers of consciousness underground. The alchemists veiled the results of their experiments in the realm of psychedelic method by using a sealed language, a code known only to other members of the sect. Under the pretext of the quest for material gold they were developing the necessary psychedelic catalysts for the "transformation of coarse matter into fine," the transformation of material consciousness into "spiritual gold." Their work was hidden, yet their influence is concretized in the vibrating space harmonies and dazzling colors of the Gothic cathedrals, built most likely by anonymous groups of Freemasons.

In Mexico, the vicious persecutions of the Spanish Catholic Church eliminated the proud and cruel magic of the Aztecs, leaving only a small handful of remote mountain tribes cherishing their mushrooms, morning glories and cactuses. Simple powerful rituals of taking the sacred plants in an atmosphere of reverence and harmony with nature were handed down through generations of curanderos. From these "primitive" Mexican hill tribes, through the mediation of the ethnomycologist Robert Gordon Wasson, the psychedelic movement, the chemical visionary quest, resurfaced in the middle of the prime energy hub of the Western world in the mid-twentieth century and almost immediately became one of the dominant mythic phenomena of our time.

Not, however, without a couple of false starts, one in the psychiatric, one in the military establishment. Given the universal tendency of the human mind to interpret the new in terms of the old, and the deliberately inculcated conservatism of the psychiatric-medical mind, brainwashed through many years of arduous academic training to perceive any change in functioning as pathological, particularly changes in the functioning of consciousness for which no precedent exists in Western academic literature, it is not difficult to understand the initial anxious explorations of LSD by psychiatrists and their subsequent irrational fear at the use of LSD by non-medical human beings. Psychiatrists in the United States are generally not happy: recent studies show that their suicide rates are four times as high as the national average for comparable age groups. Their approach to the unusual experiences induced by LSD is marked by fear and negative thinking. The dissolution of ego boundaries, prized by mystics as a step toward unitive perception, is labeled "psychotic disintegration."

Here is an imaginary, but typical, experiment from the early days of "psychotomimetic" research: an advertisement appears on the medical school bulletin board for subjects to participate in an experiment for $20 a day. The eager medical student arrives early in the morning in the psychiatric research lab of the hospital, is interviewed, given some physiological and psychological tests, and then handed a small pill and a glass of juice and left alone. At half-hourly intervals a team of doctors, nurses and psychologists give tests, ask questions, observe pupil size, pulse rate, etc., and confer with each other about the "subject."

They are normal, you are mad. Mad because the walls of the room are starting to writhe, objects are swimming in pools of light, colors are becoming sullenly vibrant. What are these uncontrollable tremors in the extremities, why is everything suddenly so overbearingly intense? The furniture is gesticulating menacingly, a strange slippage of reality seems to be occurring, bizarre complexes of sensation are closing in from all sides. The next time the doctor appears his face seems abnormally red and the ears look pointed, and what is that strange odor of sulphur?

Some of the "subjects" undergoing this experiment would fortunately be able to flip their consciousness to the level of detached humorous observation, laughing at the incongruity of the situation, and perhaps begin to explore LSD on their own. Others, probably the majority, would get terrified at the dissolution of reality, cling grimly to rational control by adopting a paranoid stance ("I am being victimized by crazy scientists," I am being poisoned," "This is a conspiracy to drive me insane"), and as the effects wore off or were terminated by a tranquilizer, dismiss the whole experience as crass delusion and nightmare. The psychiatrist goes home and writes his research report on the psychotomimetic properties of LSD.

The other false start, the military exploitation of LSD, resulted from the reflex attitude of the military establishment to any new technology—to see what possibilities the new energy form has for killing, maiming or otherwise incapacitating "enemy populations." Buckminster Fuller has estimated that it usually takes about twenty years for a new invention to seep through into civilian applications after the military have had their secret games with it. The Army made the first LSD film in the early fifties.

It shows an unsuspecting soldier, who had been given LSD in his morning orange juice without his knowledge, with a bewildered look on his face as he attempts to reconstruct his familiar personality sufficiently to answer the routine questions of the officer-experimenter. However, the unpredictability of LSD reactions apparently led to a diminution of military interest in this type of chemical warfare.

Those psychiatrists and psychotherapists who had taken the obvious preliminary step of trying the new chemical themselves soon began to pursue different objectives from their psychosis-oriented colleagues. Could not the multi-level perception of LSD, the ability to see what you see and to see yourself seeing at the same time, be used in a therapeutic context? People reported "insights" and breakthroughs in emotional blockages. Could the alcoholic cut through the vicious cycle of self-pity and self-destruction, the neurotic come to terms with his crippling anxieties, the convict grow beyond the monotonous seesaw of crime and punishment, the dying cancer patient forget his miseries for a few hours and contemplate the inevitable ending he so much feared?

Papers reporting rapid positive personality change with LSD began to proliferate in the scientific literature. It seemed as if the judicious use of psychedelic drugs might overcome the basic limitation of psychoanalytic and related methods of personality change: the limitation that no matter how subtle and accurate the analysis of the "complex," a merely mental-verbal-cognitive insight is not enough; even Freud himself despaired that the energy available in the therapeutic situation was not sufficient to overcome the massive negatively charged energies locked up in the original complex. You could not get out of the mind by using only the mind. Some external reinforcement or catalyst was necessary. LSD is such a catalyst.

In the meantime, adventurous painters and musicians discovered that LSD was also a catalyst of a different sort, an impetus to startling new rearrangements of vision, to a bubbling, ecstatic, seemingly inexhaustible pool of images and ideas, to a new-old kind of harmony between the artist and his medium. A lively boost to this kind of paramedical use was the publication of Huxley's books Doors of Perception and Heaven and Hell; his enormous erudition and lucid explanations put the whole business of taking a drug to change your consciousness on a totally new level. Artists now sought the experience as a means of expanding their vision.

In 1965 an artist friend of mine is sitting in his studio in New York's lower East Side. He smokes a couple of lungfuls of mint soaked in DMT and looks at the face of a man sitting across the table. The man's face starts to change almost immediately; it separates out into four or five planes of light intersecting at various angles in a constant rhythmic pulsation, with tendril-like multicolored organic flakes breathing through the skin and over the whole an incredibly fine mesh of perfectly organized moirépatterned lines of light which extend out from the head into the air, shimmering, sparkling and quietly humming. In a few minutes the colors begin to fade, the movement slows down, the painter feels as if a holy moment is occurring and swiftly copies the vision down on paper.

In the early sixties several major research projects began systematically exploring the effects of LSD and psilocybin on "normals," i.e. non-therapy patients. At Harvard, Timothy Leary, awed by the radiance of his first trip out of the mind with the Mexican divine mushroom, and his colleague Richard Alpert began giving psilocybin to graduate students, professors and laymen without imposing either a medical-therapeutic or a psychological-experimental model on the situation.

The purpose: to see if a "natural,". unforced way of ritualizing psychedelic experiences would develop. Although medical and psychiatric screening was performed while the project was at Harvard, it attracted the animosity of faculty colleagues and local psychiatrists. A prisoner rehabilitation project was also initiated: "Let's go to Concord and give the convicts mushrooms and make them into Buddhas."


I was a third-year graduate student in clinical psychology at the time, and the thing that most aroused my interest was the tone and contents of what my classmates who had taken the drug were saying. They talked to each other in stunned, excited voices about love, sharing, identity, unity, death, ecstasy-topics not generally discussed by psychology students except with cynical flippancy or heavy academic seriousness—but certainly never from experienced confrontation, as was happening now. Timothy Leary's enthusiasm was the more impressive, since the year before, in premushroom days, he was one of the very few members of the faculty who communicated a sense of integrity and conscience toward the subject matter of psychology and toward people. He was looking for ways to break out of the traditional professional modes, and refused to regard people as objects of experimentation or clusters of symptoms.

He had quit his job as research director of a large psychotherapy factory, the Kaiser Foundation, when his own research indicated that therapy did no better by people than the mere passage of time, combined with the instinctual regenerative programs of the human nervous system. He had dropped out and was ready to turn on. I saw American psychology as a cynically professionalized pseudo-science, and was ready to turn on too. So were most of the graduate students. Almost all tried the experience at least once. About half stopped when they realized that their "careers" would be negatively affected by further ingestion of the mushrooms.

A small handful continued to work on the project after it left Harvard and became the improbably titled International Federation for Internal Freedom—an organization whose avowed purpose was to turn on the country by supplying groups of mature adults with psychedelic chemicals and helping them to set up a research project whose results would be acceptable to the academic-psychological-religious community. A check for $10,000 was actually mailed to the Sandoz Co. in Switzerland for a million doses of LSD. But social reprisals crashed about IFIF's bead before the transaction was completed, and the whole project moved to Zihuatanejo, Mexico, probably one of the world's most beautiful places, where a group of about twenty students and teachers spent four weeks intensively turning on and tuning in to the tropical energies of ocean, sand, sun and stars.

On the West Coast, a group of mind explorers centered in Menlo Park pursued an alternate approach to the utilization of psychedelics. A medical clinic for guided self-therapy was established, called International Foundation for Advanced Study, in which the attempt was made to work within the traditional medical-psychiatric framework while pursuing the positive, i.e. psychedelic-transcendent goal in the experience. Clients were charged fees commensurate with the amount of time spent by professional doctors or nurses.

Preparation included psychological tests, interviews, autobiographies and one or more "trips" with carbogen (30 per cent carbon dioxide, 70 per cent oxygen), which produces a very brief ecstatic state, but requires the same basic inner gesture of self-surrender as LSD. (Making this gesture is the key to a "successful," i.e. liberating, voyage with LSD; without it the experience can turn into a prolonged struggle with unaccepted sense energies.) Timothy Leary was at first on the board of trustees of this foundation, but they later disagreed with his espousal of the non-medical use of LSD. (We are merely noting some of the controversial points of view which have divided psychedelic mind explorers from the establishment and from each other—this is not the place to discuss or evaluate these controversies.)

The Menlo Park group pursued a strategy of extending the boundaries of the medical-therapeutic model: individual sessions were run for patients, but also for normal persons who wanted to experience transcendence. Later, groundbreaking studies in the enhancement of creativity were done by this group, using professional architects and engineers as subjects. The Harvard group had left the medical-academic game altogether and was concentrating on the religious applications. A major study on the experimental production of religious experiences with psilocybin was done at Harvard by Walter Pahnke. This was the group's last "experiment" in the traditional sense. After that the primary effort went into the development of training methods for self-exploration with LSD.

These two organizations represented a transitional stage, when it was still believed that the psychedelic experience could be integrated into American life by modifying the traditional medical-psychological methods somewhat. Neither of these institutions survived the prohibition of mind-changing chemicals, which began with the imposition of increasingly stringent requirements for obtaining LSD for research investigations in 1963, and was formalized on the federal level by the Drug Abuse Control Amendments of July 15, 1965. This law made sale and manufacture of LSD illegal, but not possession for one's own use. Many states have since that time enacted more stringent rules, in some cases going so far as to declare LSD a narcotic and making possession of it a felony.

One of the criteria proposed by the FDA for determining whether a drug has "potential for abuse" and should therefore be placed under the DACA is if "individuals are taking the drug on their initiative rather than on the basis of medical advice from a practitioner licensed by law to administer such drugs." In other words, self-administration is being equated with abuse. It is unfortunate that federal and state legislatures have felt constrained to rush into law prohibitions which, based as they are on ignorance of the nature of the psychedelic drugs and on fear fostered by psychiatrists and newspapers, do nothing to solve the problem of real abuse, which can be countered only by information and training, and only serve to create a situation of great aggravation for hundreds of thousands of people, predominantly young, intelligent and from middle-class homes, who are expanding their consciousness and hurting no one.

At the mid-sixties we have the following situation: legitimate research on humans with psychedelics has dwindled to a small handful of studies, mostly on alcoholism, repeating work done a decade before in Canada. Possession and use of LSD is completely illegal in most states, carrying felony penalties in some. A nationwide average of between 10-20 per cent of college students have taken LSD; in some colleges the figures run as high as 40-50 per cent. An inestimable number of citizens from all walks of life—certainly in the hundreds of thousands, probably over a million, possibly several million—have taken one or more trips, and the number is increasing at an accelerating tempo. Only a very small number of people are apparently aware of the profundity of the social change that is occurring.

In the early sixties, when the work of the Harvard group was just beginning, small communities of LSD users were starting to operate, particularly on the West Coast. Some of these centered around psychiatrists who had started using LSD in therapy and then became more interested in the psychedelic-transcendent experiences. At that time, it was still fairly easy to obtain relatively large quantities of the drug from Sandoz. Such groups of paramedical mind explorers flourished more in California than elsewhere. Perhaps this is related to Marshall McLuhan's observation that California never had a nineteenth century—it jumped straight into the twentieth century electronic world, while the ivy League, European-influenced East is still trying to disengage itself from nineteenth-century typographical puritanism.

Whatever the reason, psychedelic cults flourished in California and, when the legal situation became more difficult, spread south into Mexico. Some of the ecstasy cults moved to country estates, and in discreet privacy attempted to reconstitute the natural, happy life—lusty, dignified and productive. Others, the younger ones, populated the dance clubs and discotheques of Sunset Boulevard and now Haight-Ashbury, seeking release from self in the pounding electronic sonorities of rock-and-roll groups, and communion of shared ecstasy in bright capricious costumes and liquid, rubbery dances, Behind all these visible phenomena lie the unseen—the "acid trip," the group of friends in a small apartment sharing the disintegration and reconstitution of reality. The center of such activities has become San Francisco, where at the time of writing (April 1967), informed estimates are that one-fifth of the city has taken LSD. One-fifth of a major American city tuned in to experiences and values on sensory and spiritual levels which are diametrically opposite to the materialist power orientation of the American mainstream.

We were invited to a party on a ranch about an hour's drive outside of San Francisco. The ranch had been rented for the summer by a rock-and-roll group with a mystical name, whose chief backer was a major manufacturer of high-quality blackmarket LSD. The group had their powerful electronic instruments, bought with the proceeds of drug sales, on the lawn and were sending pulsing, vibrant drones reverberating through the surrounding hills. Like almost all the major rock-and-roll groups in the country, this group has taken LSD often and occasionally perform under doses as high as 250 or 300 gamma. In such states the sounds tend to become more detached and eerie, less tied to the structure of songs.

About 300 people are scattered around the lawn. By the end of the afternoon there are about 700—they arrive in jeeps, trucks, exuberantly colored buses and cars, in family groups of ten or more, with children, animals, wearing improbable costumes, flowers, beads, headdresses, waving banners, laughing and jumping. About half the people are naked but there is no pressure to remove clothes; everything is remarkably unforced—strange sight to see the bobbing genitals and breasts of naked dancers, and others sitting or lying peacefully immobile, entranced, gazing with wide-eyed ecstasy at these Dionysian revels. In the house LSD is being passed out, only to those known personally to the source. Although an occasional couple may wander off into the woods or the house, this is no orgy, but a family-tribal celebration; a deep feeling of joy pervades the gathering, a kind of luxuriant affection for everything living.

Lately, such gatherings are taking place on another scale. Tens of thousands of persons assembling in Golden Gate Park, or Central Park, New York, to be, to love, to celebrate, not to protest, but to manifest joy. No one who attends such a gathering can fail to be affected by the energy and vitality being released here. It is as if some very ancient human needs and longings are being articulated and expressed for the first time in aeons, instinctual resonances are set up even in those who have never taken LSD, long-buried impulses and long-stifled hopes are finding a new freedom.


No one can say for sure what the nature of the social changes that are happening will turn out to be. There is radical experimentation going on with utopian ventures and new approaches to economic exchange, such as The Diggers' non-monetary resourced distribution projects. The utopianism of the psychedelic generation is based not on philosophy, but on necessity stemming from disengagement I rom the Great American Accounting System.

It is a very hard-headed utopianism, which draws on the wisdom of the native inhabitants of this continent, the Indians, for information on the harmonious, non-destructive utilization of the land's resources. "Peyote and LSD," said Gary Snyder, "are the Indians' revenge on the white man." They affirm precisely those values cultivated by the Indians over many centuries and blindly overlooked and ignored by the white men in their reckless exploitation of the physical energy resources of this now much polluted, much eroded land.

It is important to realize that America is now going through a "trip"—that is, the general culture is responding to the psychedelic phenomenon with all the same reactions that one can observe in the individual who takes LSD: the bewilderment at sudden change, the incessant attempt to explain, to rationalize, the delight and astonishment at aesthetic, sensory beauty, the growth of tolerance and the growth of fear, the springing up of love and the intensification of pain and confusion, the exuberant sharing of happiness and the aggravation of isolation, the multiplication of new artistic communications and the growing gap of understanding between old and young.

America's "trip" is not a particularly happy one; the murder of a well-liked president and the continuing racial suicide of an insane war against sixfold more populous Asia are the outer manifestations of a deep spiritual trouble. But there are hopeful elements also, and it may well be, as a writer in Look magazine put it, "that these people will end by turning all the rest of us on, releasing energies that we have become too cynical or too embarrassed to use."

We see on the part of young people directly or indirectly involved with the psychedelic scene an affirmation of positives, not an "escape from reality," or a refusal to face the facts of our grim situation. It is precisely those youngsters who have lived all their lives under the cipher of universal destruction—they and not their elders—who will look the prospect of the end of man straight in the eye and then go on. And to go on means to embrace everything, to accept the negatives as well as the positives, to realize these two polarities are inseparable at all levels, and to glorify in acts of beautification and service the divine spark in man.

Which is not to deny the existence of problematic tendencies within the psychedelic movement. The vision of the supreme illusory nature of life's play and of the deceitful artificiality of man's games can induce in some unprepared minds a kind of lethargic indifference, a moral and intellectual apathy. The shocking advice—"drop out"—is erroneously taken by some to mean "don't work." LSD is a too], not a method. One has to learn to use it with discrimination. "Seeing" something under LSD is no guarantee of its conceptual or moral validity.

As Timothy Leary emphasized repeatedly, every man has to become his own Moses, his own Galileo. He has to evolve his own moral code, he has to grasp the essential nature of his universe. Nothing can be taken for granted anymore. None of the old social or intellectual structures will stand. We have to start all over again from scratch. We have to ask ourselves the basic questions: What is life? Where are we at? What are we doing with each other on this (now) small planet? The real evolutionary challenge posed by the existence of chemicals such as LSD is whether man can finally learn to become a wholly responsible human being.


This is the ecstatic adventure.

TRUE SANITY ENTAILS in one way or another the dissolution of the normal ego, that false self competently adjusted to our alienated social reality; the emergence of the "inner" archetypal mediators of divine power, and through this death a rebirth, and the re-establishment of a new kind of ego-functioning, the ego now being the servant of the divine, no longer its betrayer.

~ RONALD D. LAING

FURTHERMORE, we have not even to risk the adventure alone; for the heroes of all time have gone before us; the labyrinth is thoroughly known; we have only to follow the thread of the hero-path. And where we had thought to find an abomination, we shall find a god; where we had thought to slay another, we shall slay ourselves; where we had thought to travel outward, we shall come to the center of our own existence; where we had thought to be alone, we shall be with all the world.

~ JOSEPH CAMPBELL


INTERVIEWER: "Are you afraid of drugs?"

SEVENTEEN-YEAR-OLD GIRL: "No, I'm not afraid of drugs. I'm more scared of everything else that's going on in the world."


Source : Psychedelic Library


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